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Video Surveillance in Public Places
Should government or the police be
able to use video surveillance in public places? It has been argued
that the
use of such surveillance helps deter crime, but many privacy activists
argue
that, even in public places, this practice infringes on the right to
privacy.
In
Ontario, city
or police officials have
deployed cameras in London,
Thessalon, Peterborough, Sudbury,
and West Nipissing. In other cities such as Toronto,
Vancouver, Edmonton,
and Yellow Knife, police services
have proposed various places and uses for public video surveillance. In
Vancouver, the
police services have
suggested as many as 23 cameras be placed throughout the downtown area.
In
addition, the Vancouver
police proposed adding two more mobile cameras
that would address the possibility that the crime may move away from
the
stationary cameras.
This
situation is not uncommon and similar to a proposal made
by the RCMP in another part of British Columbia.
A Real Life Example
Kelowna,
British Columbia
In late 2000, the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police installed video surveillance cameras in downtown Kelowna,
British Columbia.
According to the police, the
cameras would help deter prostitution, drug dealing, and violence that
had
reportedly plagued the area. In June 2002, the former Federal Privacy
Commissioner, George Radwanski, filed a lawsuit alleging that the
RCMP’s use of
video surveillance equipment violated the law.
Mr.
Radwanski argued that this use of video surveillance
violated several sections of the Charter as well as the
Universal
Declaration of Human Rights promulgated by the United Nations and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Canada
is a state party.
Some
Kelowna
citizens were unhappy with the
Commissioner’s position. Residents felt that the cameras had in fact
helped to
deter the crime problems. According to the CBC, one citizen stated that
“this
protects my children, or ensures, or keeps the drug people moving away
because
they don’t want to be on camera.” Others supported the Privacy
Commissioner’s
statement that the ability to move freely without having cameras
watching every
move was important. Some felt that government recording public spaces
would
fundamentally change society.
However,
it appears that a court will not hear these
allegations. In March 2003, the Supreme Court of British Columbia ruled
that
Radwanski did not have the legal authority, or standing, to bring the
case.
According to the court, the Privacy Act specifically set out the
functions of
the Privacy Commissioner and these did not include bringing legal
challenges
such as this. The court concluded that the Commissioner had authority
to
receive complaints, to investigate these complaints, and even to make
recommendations based on these investigations. The Commissioner could
also
intervene in lawsuits. However, this did not mean that the Commissioner
had the
authority to bring a case in his own right. In July 2003, the office of
the
Privacy Commissioner withdrew its appeal of the decision
(http://www.privcom.gc.ca/media/nr-c/ma_am/ma_030704_e.asp)
The
issue of when and where to use video surveillance remains
controversial in Canada.
Questions abound about who can
use video surveillance, who makes the critical decisions, who gets to
see the
images, and what is done with the images.
The
Debate
Arguments from Different
Sides
Law enforcement officials claim that the use
of video surveillance equipment in public places will help to deter
crime.
Criminals will not commit crimes if they know they are going to be
video taped.
However, there is conflicting
evidence about whether or not the cameras really do deter crime. The Winnipeg
police have quoted statistics
from some U.S.
cities that claim significant
reductions in crime in the areas monitored by the cameras. On the other
hand,
some people argue those numbers are deceiving, and that the crime has
not
decreased, but has moved further underground or to a new location. Some
people
argue that whether or not cameras actually work, they make people feel
safer
and everyone wants to feel safe.
It is often stated that only people
with something to hide would be opposed to video cameras. However,
civil
libertarians dispute that assertion. They claim that that argument
confuses the
reason for the opposition. There may be things that are perfectly
legal, but
people do not want advertised, such as going to a drug treatment
centre, a
psychiatrist’s office, a weight loss clinic, or marriage counselling.
Another argument often put forward
is that the cameras are going to be used in public spaces, where there
is
little expectation of privacy, so why should anyone be upset about a
camera?
People walking down the street can see you, so what is the difference
between
that and a camera seeing you?
Civil libertarians have argued that
there is, in fact, a difference. When people walk down a street, they
can see
the other people watching them. However, with a video camera, there is
an
asymmetry of power, which is magnified when the “looker” is a
government
official or a police officer.
Alan Borovoy, General Counsel for
the Canadian Civil Liberties Association contends that “citizens in a
free
country should have a presumptive right to get lost. We should be able
to
wander around without government keeping tabs on us.” While
acknowledging that
such surveillance might be acceptable under some circumstances, Mr.
Borovoy
argued that a responsible political authority should make such
decisions. In
addition, there is a concern about what happens to the recorded images:
are
they discarded, taped over, or kept for future uses?
The
debate about the
use of video surveillance equipment is complex and very much alive at
the
moment. Must we choose between having surveillance everywhere or
nowhere? Are
there overriding arguments that make video surveillance acceptable in
some
places, but not in others? What about a darkened bus stop or a park at
night?
Would it make a difference if someone other than the police made the
decisions
about when and where to conduct such surveillance? As stated above,
Alan
Borovoy has argued that elected politicians accountable to the public
should
make such decisions with full public participation.
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